The Bush administration and the United Nations took a step in the right direction by passing Resolution 1718 and imposing weapons and financial sanctions against North Korea. But now it is time for China to step up to the plate.
The Bush administration has prudently resisted the idea of bilateral talks with North Korea. Such talks could further upset the delicate political and military balance in the Asia-Pacific, particularly by bruising China's pride.
China is North Korea's closest ally and the strength of the resolution depends upon the Chinese government enforcing the sanctions.
Immediately after the U.N. resolution was passed, the Chinese ambassador to the U.N. announced to reporters: "For China, our political position is we're not in favor of inspections because ... it will lead to negative consequences."
As of Monday morning, however, Wang had reversed his position on inspections, and there were reports of the Chinese inspection trucks headed for North Korea from the Chinese border.
I can understand Wang's hesitance to support the inspections. As North Korea's largest trading partner, financial and weapons sanctions by China could eventually lead to collapse of the North Korean regime.
There is little doubt that China and South Korea would be most vulnerable to the potential flood of refugees if that would happen - and both countries wish to avoid the tremendous instability that would create.
But Wang and the Chinese government were wise to go ahead with their support of the inspections required by Resolution 1718. The problems in North Korea cannot and should not be resolved by bilateral talks or disparate sanctions.
The countries of influence to North Korea must present a unified front both to their sanctions and to any diplomatic discussions.
China likely already feels embarrassed by the open defiance demonstrated by North Korea with its nuclear test. In that part of the world, China is the superpower - the big brother, if you will. Having North Korea proceed with a nuclear test despite Beijing's repeated urging to the contrary is therefore an international embarrassment.
Dan Griffiths of BBC News observed that North Korea's disregard for China's pleading demonstrates that "there are limits to the influence that China's leaders have in Pyongyang." Still, if the United States were to take the lead with North Korea, we would be stepping on China's toes, further angering or embarrassing the Asian superpower.
After all, China is not a country likely to be bullied for long by the enigmatic and despotic Kim Jong Il, and perhaps this nuclear test will have pushed China to the breaking point.
When North Korea carried out missile tests in July, Beijing supported a U.N. Security Council resolution to impose weapons sanctions, but stopped short of cutting off aid to North Korea.
Clearly those weapons sanctions were no deterrent to Kim Jong Il because three short months later he has announced his countries' nuclear weapon test.
China should know from their repeated experiences that North Korea will not respond to China's requests when they are not backed with any muscle.
Tough international action, spearheaded by China, might be exactly what is needed to force North Korea to give up its nuclear program. It's risky for China to further isolate North Korea and impose financial sanctions against an already devastated North Korean economy - but it's a risk that they have to take.
Preventing a nuclear-armed Kim Jong Il is worth the long-term stability of the Korean peninsula, Asia, and the world.
Laura Thorson is a history and political science senior. Send your North Korean de-nuclearization suggestion to: laura.thorson@cox.net.
